King Mas'ud

The Assyrian of today wishes to make himself known. He searches for his living memories, keys of his cultural ethnic, political identities. The Syriac Chronicles are a good source to the understanding of his History. For instance, the Assyrians, sometimes, complain to have had no king in the Christian era. However, during the Mongolian empire, they had a great king in Mâwsil (Mosul), a Mesopotamian city. His name was Mas’ud.



The Mongols in the Thirteenth Century

In 1206, The Mongols- the nomadic tribes of central Asia- joined forces, headed by the famous Temujin (Gengis Khan) and dashed into a series of conquests. In the East, they seized China of Song and the Tibet. In the west, they captured and plundered the city of Baghdâd, in 1258, putting an end to the dynasty of the Arabic khalîfahs.

The Mongol Khâns established a great empire, which extended from the China Sea to the Euphrates River in Mesopotamia and the Volga River in Russia.


The Christians of Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia and Asia Minor had waited for the arrival of the Mongols, hoping for an improvement of their condition. They expected greats changes: no longer to be considered “Dimmi’ or lesser citizens. As the believers of the others religions, they met considered themselves equal in right, in front of the authority of King of King, in a Khanat where they encountered greater tolerance. Correspondence was established with China and with Europe. They lived under the first IL-Khans of Persia for a peaceful and prosperous period. They built churches, spread some missions, increased a literary production.


Chronography

The story of king Mas’ûd is inspired by “Chronography”, written by Gregory Abû’l –Faraj (1226-1286), a doctor, a patriarch, a great Syriac writer. He lived in the court of the Mongols. He was known to Europeans as Bar Hebraeus

The Chronography, written in the Syriac language, begins from the creation of the world until the Mongolian period. It is divided into two parts, Chronicum Syriacum, dedicated in political and civil history, and Chronicum Ecclesiastical, which deals with the patriarchs of the Church of the East. After the death of Gregory Abû’l –Faraj, on the 30th of July, another writer, perhaps his brother Bar Sâwmâ Sâfi, wrote, in the following years, the political history of the world.


Mas’ûd Bar Kâwtî 's reign

In the year A.D. 1276, under the reign of Abâkâ (1265-1282), the son of Hûlâkû and the Il-khan of Persia, Mas’ud of Bar Kawtâh’s rule was established. He was the son of a rich, Christian trader who traveled on a caravan to Pekin (modern Beijing) in China and wanted to visit the great Kûblâi Khân. The trader was accompanied by his sons and by the Amîr ‘Ashmût, a man from the tribe of Ighûrâyê, who led an ascetic life :

“At this time, ‘A’lâm Ad-Din Ya’kûb, a great merchant and a Christian, a native of Bar Kawtâh, a village in the country of ‘Arbîl, coming from doing homage to Kûblâi Khân, died on the road in the country of Khôrâsân. Then ‘Ashmût, the ambassador who was appointed [to go] with him, who was himself a great man and an honourable man of the race of the Ighûrâyê [one of the Mongol tribes], and who led the ascetic (or monastic) life, took his sons and brought them to do homage to the King of Kings ‘Abâkâ. And the King of Kings received them kindly, and he made Mas’ûd, the eldest son, ruler over Mâwsil and ‘Arbîl; and ‘Ashmût became the administrator of the Amîr. ” (in Ernest.A.Wallis Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l-Faraj 1225-1286, known as Bar Hebraeus, translated from the Syriac into English, London, 1932, APA-Philo Press, Amsterdam, 1976. P. 456. ).

The government of Mas’ûd

Governor Ma’sûd had soon to deal with the Kurdish neighbors in the mountains who, since 1260, had been attacking the Christians villages of the region.

On 7 June, in the year 1277, the Kurds made a new raid against the western Syrian monastery of Mâr Matta, near Mâwsil, and kidnapped ten monks.

The next year, the troubles, the rivalries began. Ma’sûd was libeled by the Persian Nasir al-Din Pâpâ, the former governor of Mâwsil. Ma’sûd and ‘Asmût were dismissed after a board of inquiry. Pâpâ ruled over Mâwsil in their place.

“And in this winter[A.D. 1278], the Persian Pâpâ (Bâbâ), who had put an end to Mas’ûd, the son of Kâwtî, in the kingdom of Mâwsil, calumniated ( i.e. brought an accusation against) Mas’ûd, saying that he was ‘destroying the country of Mâwsil, and that he did not know how to rule’. Then the King of Kings commanded certain nobles, and they came with the Pâpâ to Mâwsil. And the Pâpâ set up false witnesses against ‘Ashmût and Mas’ûd, and they bribed the judges, and perverted the judgement ( i.e. obtained a verdict by fraud). And they (i.e. the Tâtârs) condemned those Christians, and made and end of them, and they appointed the Pâpâ governor.” (P. 459-460)

Mas’ud and the noble ‘Ashmut accused Pâpâ and his judges of corruption. In the year 1280, they went to ‘Abâkâ Khan and asked him to reopen the inquiry which lasted one month

« And in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-one [of the Greeks (A.D. 1280)], ‘Ashmut , the Igûrian Amîr, and Mas’ûd, the son of Kâwtî, approached ‘Abâkâ, the King of Kings, and they showed [him] that the judges who had been sent with Pâpâ (Bâbâ) the Persian had wronged them, and that the judgement against them had been brought about by bribery. Then ‘Abâkâ commanded that his brother and his son-in-law should be the judges and that they should see which of the two parties was the innocent one. And having passed about a month of days in investigating [the matter], Pâpâ was found guilty and these former judges were exposed, and they confessed to the bribe which they had taken from Pâpâ. And the command went forth, and the head of Pâpâ was cut off with the sword on the fifth day [of the week], on the eighth day of the month of ‘Âb (August) of the year aforesaid, and brought to Mâwsil. And those Christian governors again ruled over Mâwsil and ‘Arbil and they triumphed nobly.” (P. 462)

Papa the traitor was executed around the same time than a Persian, Jelâl Ad-Dîn Tûrân, on August 8, was beheaded and whose head was brought to Mâwsil and exhibited.

In the summer A.D.1281, the Persians of the house of Jelâl Ad-Dîn Tûrân , and of the house of Pâpâ stirred up a quarrel against Mas’sûd . They claimed that he had carried off a great quantity of treasure from Jelâl Ad-Dîn, gold and precious stones. Mas’ûd was arrested, tortured and condemned. He was brought back to Mâwsil but he fled by night.



Ma’sûd, King of Mâwsil

Later, in the year A.D. 1284, ‘Arghôn, the son of ‘Abâkâ, , sat on the throne of the King of Kings. He did not forget his friends.

“For Arghôn , the King of Kings, at the beginning of his kingdom made Mas’ûd Bar Kâwtî king of Mâwsil and the districts thereof, and there was gladness for all the Christians. But they were grieved because… The sons of Jalâl ad-Dîn Tûrân killed the Igûrian monk, the Amîr ‘Ashmût, in avenging the cause of their father.” (P. 472)

In the year A.D. 1286, on the 17 day of the month of June, four thousand mounted robbers and brigands, Kûrds, Tûrkmâns and Arabs, and three hundred horsemen from the Egyptian slaves, gathered together and went to the country of Mâwsil. They spoiled the villages along the road, and finally burst upon the city at dawn.

“Then King Mas’ûd and the other horsemen who were found in the city mounted and rode out to engage them in battle. And when they saw how great was their number, and that they themselves had no force equal to theirs, they turned back and went into the city.”(P. 475)

The marauders brought the spoil from the city all day long, they looted and robbed the whole of the people. They plundered Mâwsil ‘s commercial districts and took by leaving 500 slaves. Ma’sûd, in the citadel, had not been able to prevent this looting.


The Death of Ma’sûd

‘Arghôn appointed a treasurer, Amîr Bôkâ, for his service who boasted of his power.

The others Amîrs, his opponents, complained against him. Bôkâ began to concoct a secret rebellious against ‘Arghôn. Ma’sud neglected the submission and obedience to those Amîrs who were permanently in the Royal Service :

“And because Mas’ûd Bar Kâwtî, (Kûtî), and his brethren, and his kinsfolk, knew no one besides Bôkâ in the Royal camp, and they considered the service of the other Amîrs as of no account, they were unwilling to make a meaning-less salutation to these others. And because the command of Bôkâ over all the Amîrs was superior and sublime, they neglected them all. And they accepted Bôkâ only, although through this [behaviour] they were condemned and blamed by every man.” (P. 480-81)

Bôkâ who had acted treacherously against the king, was arrested. This could land Ma’sûd much difficulties, for he was not helped by the others Amîrs. The Mongols set guards over the king of Mâwsil.

“And because Ma’sûd , the son of Bar Kâwtî, was sick they did not inflict blows upon him. They feared lest he should die and his money perish with him. And verily they employed empty promises in dealing with him, saying that if he would give them ten myriads of gold [dînârs] , he should remain in his honourable office, and that no man should harm him. Now Ma’sûd himself thought that since he had not been beaten by them they would confer some honour upon him, and he was exceedingly avaricious, and he used severe words in converse with them. Nevertheless, they, in their artfulness, partly by means of stripes and blows and partly by threats and curses, took that amount of money from him. And they carried him off with them to ‘Arbil and there they killed him on the second day of Passion Week, on the fourth day of the month of Nîsân (April) of that year. And they placed wooden fetters on his son , and shut him up.” (P. 481)

Hereupon Ma’sûd ‘s story finished sadly; his monarchy lasting only five years.



The kings of the Huns (Tâtârs)


Hûlâkû (1256-1265)

‘Abâkâ (1265-1282)

Tâkûdâr ‘Ahmâd (1282-1284)

‘Arghôn.( 1284-1291)

The singer of Edessa

The Syriac people wrote numerous chronicles that bring back us distant and previous events. One work is very interesting and precious.

The author

The anonymous writer of this Syriac Chronicle was may be a monk who came from the city of Edessa (Urhai), in Mesopotamia. He lived at the time of the First Crusades. He was the contemporary of the events that took place in the first half of the thirteenth century. He was staying in Jerusalem, when the emir Salah ad-Din captured it in 1187.


The Chronicle

The "Chronicle to the year 1234" was written at about the year 1237 A.D. It understands two sections, separating secular from ecclesiastical history. The Civil Chronicle continues to at least 1234, but should originally advance into the year 1237. The Ecclesiastical Chronicle, written first, but place second in the manuscript, tells the history of the West Syrians patriarchs. Very damaged, it stops at 1204 and completes the chronicle of the Syrian Orthodox patriarch Michael (1166-99). The author asserts that he has written others books, lost today.

We chose in the Civil Chronicle an interesting anecdote, which shows the self-control, the spirit fortitude and the heroism of a Christian woman, an artist of Edessa in the eleventh century. She was able to act patriotically, to risk one’s neck to save her fellow-citizens’ life. She spoke two languages, and played an important role in the tragedy.



The Turks Seljuk’s in Edessa

The author relates to the arrival of the Seljuk Turks, a people from the plains of Central Asia. From 1055, they occupied Baghdad little by little, they dominated Mesopotamia, and subjugated the Arabic princes. Under the reign of the great sultan Malik Shah (1072-1092), they advanced into Syria, in Gâzartâ, in Anatolia, and conquered the largest part of Asia Minor. Upon the death of Malik Shah, in 1092, (Abu ‘-Fatah in the Chronicle) his very young children survived in the Persian region of Khôrâzân where he had lived.

The governors of Syria, his subjects, held on to their cities and began fighting among themselves.


The Turkish general Buzan held the power to Edessa, a city that he had captured in 1087. He had appointed a Greek leader, Theodore, son of Hetoum. Buzan went to Damascus, made war on Tutus, the governor, but he was defeated, arrested. Tutus sent then soldiers to Edessa to capture the town, but the inhabitants refused to allow this. Tutus, angry about Edessa, beheaded Buzan and sent it with the general Al-Firg who entered the citadel and occupied the city.

Tutus had given order to Al-Firg to leave Edessa to be plundered by his soldiers, because the town had not succumbed to him from the beginning. When Al-Firg was staying in the citadel, every day, his officers would insist on letting them to plunder the "rebellious city" of Edessa, and he would prevent them from day to day.


"One day, he offered a banquet in the citadel to the majors of his army. He sent for all the singers of the city and the singer called Qira Gali, a Christian woman. The wine cheered up Al-Firg’s heart. The chiefs of the army approached him and asked him to carry out its promise to plunder the city. He made them oath that the next day, he would give the order to plunder the city. He spoke in Persian, but the singer understood the conversation. Immediately, she imagined a cunning guile: she began groaning with the stomachache. They asked for to her what she wished that one brought to her. However, she told them that she was in the habit of this stomachache and that when it took her, nothing relieved her than a bath. Then, they allowed her to go to the bath. Going down of the citadel, she went at once to Theodore, son of Hetoum, and informed him about this affair. Then, he said to her: "O woman, the blood of all the city is between your hands. See how you will save the city."

He gave her his own ring; when this one touched any food or drink, it killed immediately. So, she took the ring and went back up to the citadel, as if its stomachache had calmed down. The guests were delighted at it. In this enjoyment, she got up to dance, took a cup of wine and danced in a lascivious way. She dipped the ring into the cup after the dance, moved and presented it to Al-Firg. Having drunk the cup, he began complaining about the stomach. She said to him "Lord, please, hurry to go to the bath; because I, it is in the bath that I was delivered from my stomachache." He went down in the bath. She took off hers clothes and entered with him. Once they entered the internal house, he gave up the ghost. She went out, saying to the eunuchs and servants who held in the door: "King sleeps, please, be careful not to disturb him." (A.Abouna, in CSCO 354/154, II, P. 38-39, translated into English by Ephrem-Isa YOUSIF))

The Turkish soldiers ran into the baths, found their dead commander and asked the inhabitants to let them safely go out of the city. Those that stayed in the citadel sent to inform Tutus of Damascus of what had happened. At that very moment, Tutus who got ready to come to Edessa with the troops fell ill and died. Theodore was then brought from the citadel to the chief of the Turks who went away.

A brave, artful, oriental woman, who looked like a heroine of the Bible, saved the city of Edessa.

To save the town of Bethulie, a young girl, Judith seduced Holopherne, the general of Nabuchodonosor, king of Chaldeans, and cut his head when he was drunk. (The book of Judith)

Edessa returns to Romans until the arrival of the Crusaders. After the disappearance of Theodore, in 1097, murdered by his subjects, French crusaders turned the city into their regional capital.

Publishing

The unique Syriac manuscript of the Chronicle to the year 1234 was found in Istanbul in 1899, it is not complete. It is dated to perhaps the end of the fourteenth century.

The Chronicle was published by the Patriarch Ignatius Ephrem Rahmani, the first part of the text on 1904, the second part on 1911: Chronicon civile et ecclesiasticum anonymi auctoris (Charfet, 1904).

The complete work was published by J.B.Chabot, in CSCO 81 /Syr.36 et 82/Syr.37,

1916

Translation

J.B.Chabot provided a Latin translation for vol. I in CSCO 109/56, 1937

A.S. Tritton, JRAS, 1933, translated partially the chronicle into English language: "The first and second Crusades from an anonymous Syriac chronicle."

Anonymi Auctotis Chronicon AD A.C 1234 Pertinens II, by A.Abouna, Louvain, in CSCO 354/154, 1974, translated it into French, with notes by J.M.Fiey.

A. Abouna, Bagdad, 1986, translated the Chronicle to the year 1234 into Arabic.

Zinda magazine, December 10, 2001.

Ephrem-Isa YOUSIF, Paris, France.

Kurdish Princes and Syriac Scholars

This day, I began to dream to High-Mesopotamia and its heroes. I found myself at the end of the tenth or rather eleventh century A.D. It was like the waves of our time flooded back to an else age, uncovering some lands rich in history.

The Marwanid princes' dynasty ruled then on the vast province of Diyar Bakr, from 372-478 h./983-1085 to AD.

How finding again their brilliant deats, their suzerain power, their ardent glory, their heroïc legend ? They lived a time where youth, audace, skill, cleverness, spared to found a new state, a bright dynasty...


Jezira

The Diyar Bakr (chief-town Amid , today Diyâr Bakr) was one of the three districts of Jezira, "peninsula" as ancient authors called Upper-Mesopotamia, a region that spreads between the upper Tigris and the Euphrat. Jezira included too the districts of Diyar Rab’ia (chief-town Mossul) and Diyar Mudar (chief-town Rakka, on the left side of the Euphrate). It corresponded to a land situated nowadays in Syria, Irak and Turkey.

Kurds of Indo-Aryan origins, lived there with other people in the Diyar Bakr, a province far from Bagdad, on the Byzantine border, that included, besides Amid, some other cities and their lands : Arzan, Mayyafarikin, Hisn-Kayfa (today Hasankeyf), Khilat, Melazgerd, Arjish, and a district at the North-East of the Van Lake.


The beginning of the Marwanid dynasty

The chronicler of Jezira in the XIIth century, Ibn al-Azrak al-Fariki, an Arabic writer as Ibn al-Athir, the Syriac chroniclers Elias of Nisibis and the Great Michael, enjoyed telling the Marwanids' history.

The founder of the dynasty was a Kurdish shepherd, Abu Shuja ’Badh b. Dustak. He left his cattle, took up arms and became a valiant chief of war, obtaining celebrity. When a member of the Iranian dynasty of Buyid,‘Adud al Dawla, who ruled the islamic empire, died in 983, Badh took Mayyafarikin, a city of the North-Eastern Diyar Bakr. Formerly it was Martyropolis, and nowadays it calls Silvan. He took too Amid, Akhlat and Nisibis.

The latter city, at the south of Tur ‘Abdin moutains (today Nusaybin, in Turkey) had got an ancient past. Borderland between the Sassanids and Byzantins territories, it was too a transit point for caravans. It had been subjected by Arabians in 639.


The chronicler Elias of Nisibis and the Marwanids

A Syriac chronicler, Elias, the Metropolit of Nisibis, was an awared witness of Marwanids' coming out. In his writings, he praises these wise and tolerants emirs. Didn't they know make bond of esteem, respect, friendship whith Eastern-Syriac authors (Nestorians) and Western Syriac (Jacobits), whose mostly stayed in the cities of their principality and lived without troubles with Kurds and Arabians ?

(C.f C. Hillenbrand. « Marwanides », Encyclopédie de l’Islam, N.E, tome VI, Brill 1991, P. 611-612)

Who were the Syriacs ? The heirs of old Assyrians, Babylonians, and Arameans too. They spoke an Aramean dialect, of which they made an intellectual and scientific language, the Syriac. They converted to christianismat the first time of our era. Edessa and its region was an active center of evangelization.


Elias of Nisibis, who called too Elias bar-Shenaya, borned on February 11th 975 in the town of Shena, that is at the confluence of the Tigris and the Great Zab, and was the center of an Eastern-Syriac diocese since the beginning of the VIIIth century. He became a monkey. He was ordinated priest at 19 years and then was nominated at the convey of d’Abba Simeon, not far from Shena. He still studied at the monastery of Saint-Michael, next to Mosul, a place that was very appreciated by Arabic authors for its vineyards.

In 1002 Elias of Nisibis became the bishop of Beit Nuhadhre, in the fertile region of Dohuk, and after 1008, the metropolit of Nisibis.

At the beginning of the XIth century the city was very attractive, with beautiful buildings, a mosquee, baths and rich gardens. Politically and administratively it depended on the emir of Diyar Bakr.

Since a long time Nisibis was an important religious center. It had got a famous school, founded by the bishop James of Nisibis at the IVth century.

At the Vth century, like the ecclesiastical center of Bét ‘Arabayé, Nisibis had several dioceses as Bét Qardu, the Jezira of Bét Zabdaï, Moxoen, a region between the Van Lake and the Bohtan Su, Arzanen, at the north of the confluence of the Bohtan and the Tigris. At the time of Elias, Harran, Amid, Rashaïna, Balad and Sinjar were attached to the siege of Nisibis.

Elias the Metropolit lived in this town until his death, in 1146, and devoted himself to many intellectual works. He practiced Syriac, Arabic,and he knew the islamic culture. His works are numerous, like his Chronography,a Syriac Grammar, an Arabian-Syriac lexic, hymns, metric homilies, and some letters written in Syriac.

Elias of Nisibis wrote in Arabic some theological and moral works. These are some titles :

- "The Book of the suppression of agitation" (Edition Constantin al-Bacha, Le Caire)

- "Useful Maxims for the soul and the body" (Edition P. Sbath, Le Caire, 1936)

-"Treaty of enjoyment in the future life". (L.Cheikho, Vingt Traités Philosophiques et Apologétiques d’Auteurs arabes Chrétiens, Le Caire 1929, P. 129-132)

His Chronography, dated of 1018, has still a great importance for the Kurdish history, becauses its author gave to us many precious details about the life of the first Marwanid sovereigns and the relations of Syriac scholars with the Kurds.


The tragedy of the emir Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan b. Marwan

Elias of Nisibis mentionned shortly the life of Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan.

After the death of his uncle Badh, the elder son of Marwan came back to Hisn-Kayfa, married the widow of the old warrior chief. He fought the last Hamdanids, confused them and took again all the fortresses.

Elias related the tragic end of this prince who was killed in Amid in 997 by insurged inhabitants. His brother Abu Mansur Sa’id succeeded to him, under the name of Mumahhid al-Dawla.

(For quotations, I rather to keep the transcription of names that has been adopted by the translators of Syriac texts) :

" Then the emir Abu ‘Ali, son of Merwan, went to Amid and the inhabitants came out toward him. As he entered in the gate of the city a man called ‘Abd el Barr killed him, revolted and ruled the city. Abu Mansur Sa’id, son of Merwan, was then governor of Gezirta. When he learned that his brother had been killed, he went promptly to Maïpherqat and opened his reign on Thirsday 7th Dulqa’da [11th November 997 B.C]. Since that moment he took the name of Mumahhid ed-Daula."

(The « Chronography of Elias bar-Sinaya, Metropolitan of Nisibe », edited and translated by L.-J. Delaporte, Paris, 1910, P. 138)

Mumahhid al-Dawla Sa’id and the physician Bokhtisho

Mumahhid, a skilful diplomate, could make use of the Byzantins'ambitions, who were present in Northern-Anatolia. The relations of this prince with the emperor of Byzance Basile II (976-1025) were quite friendly. When Basile learnt the murderer of David, the king of Gorzan, (Upper-Georgia), who had left by testament his kingdom to the Byzantine empire, he stopped the campaign that he had begun in Syria for making sure of Arabian emirs'obedience and he crossed the Euphrat. He annexed David's state, received vassals' oath, when they came toward him, like Mumahhid ed Daula, who "set foot on his carpet", i 999 :

"Then ( 390 h. / 1311 sél. ) died David, the king of Gorzanaens. The king of Romans, Basile, went out in the land of Gorzan. Mumahhid ed Daula came toward him and walked on his carpet. The king received him merrily and make him lord. Then peace was set on borders" (Idem P. 138)

Mumahhid ed Daula took advantage of peace for restoring the walls of his capital Maïpherqat, the siege of his sovereignty, and made inscribe on it his name, that is still shining nowadays.

In 1000, he asked to the Buyid emir Baha’ al Dawla to send to him the Christian physician Gabriel b. ‘Abd Allah b. Bokhtisho, who was attached to the hospital of Bagdad. The latter descended from the famous family of Bokhtisho, that was at the Abbassid caliphes' service since Al Mansur (754-775). Though he was 80 years old, Gabriel went up with his son to the small strenghened city of Mayyafarikin for taking his functions. He died there two years later, honoured and wealthy.

Mumahhid al-Dawla Sa’id had a tragic end, like his brother Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan. Unhappy, sad, Elias of Nisibis regretted a long time his prince. He qualified as impious, a very strong term for Syriacs, the man who killed by treachery "the blessed emir", which he valued so much. The young brother of Mumahhid, Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad, fought immediately the murderer. God, in His justice, made him victorious in 1010 :

"Then the impious Sarwin used treachery to kill in the night of Thirsday 5th Gumada I [14 December 1010 B.C.] the blessed emir Mumahhid ed-Daula. But the Lord gave victory to Abu Nasr, Mumahhid ed-Daula's brother, and delivered to his hands. He killed him and became emir under the name of Nasr ed-Daula." (Idem, P. 141)

Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad b. Marwan the victorious emir

The third Marwan's son, acceded to the throne, after both precarious reigns of his elder brothers. As a clever politician, he could skilfully impose on the Buyid emir Sultan al-Dawla, the Fatimid caliph of Egypt Al Hakim and on the emperor of Byzance Basile II. All of them sent him congratulations. They represented the great powers that surrendered the state-plug of Mayyafarikin.

Elias of Nisibis tale that Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad b. Marwan, "the victorious emir", subdued again, in 1011, Amid, an important city of his territory, that was then dominated by his vassal Ibn Dimne :

"Then the victorious emir Nasr ed Daula went to besiege Amid and pressed Ibn Dimne. When Ibn Dimne saw that he couldn't hope in any help, he submit to Nasr ed Daula. Some officials and tax collectors dominated the city and got powerfull. - An then Ibn Dimne was killed. Some people of Amid killed him. Nasr ed Daula." (Idem P. 141)

Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad, according to other sources, subdued Amid again about 1024.


He signed with the empire of Constantinople a pacte of mutual non-agression, but violated it once or twice. The renown of this Kurdish muslim prince grew so such that the inhabitants of al-Ruha, (Edessa), at the west, called him for being released of an Arabian chief. Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan took the city of Edessa in 1026-27, and added it to his possessions. The famous western-Syriac author Abu’l Faradj Bar Hebraeus (1226-1286) related the war as following :

"The same year, Nasr al-daula b. Marwan, the lord of Diyâr Bakr, ruled on the city of Edessa, which belonged to a man of the Numayr tribe, called Athyra, who was bad and ignorant. Edessenians wrote to Nasr al-daula for delivering him the country. Nasr al-daula sent his lieutenant, who stayed in Amid and called Zingi. Zingi conquered the town and killed Athira."

(Bar Hébraeus, « Chronique universelle », Mokhtassar al-Doual, Beyrouth, P. 180)

So Nasr al-Dawla annexed Edessa, but the city was retaken gladly by the king of Byzance in 1031. Didn' it have a special status in the story of christianism ?

The long rule of Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad meaned the apogee of Marwanids' power. He built a new citadel on a hill of Mayyafarikin where stood the Church of Virgin, he built bridges and public baths. He restored the observatory. Some libraries fit out the mosques of Mayyafarikin and Amid.

The magnanimous, just and pragmatical sovereign brought around him, in the noble city animated by the sun of Orient, some ascetes, scholars, historians as Ibn al-Athir, and poets as ‘Abd Allah al-Kazaruni, al-Tihami. He sheltered political refugees as the futur Abbassid caliph Muktadi (1075-1099). He seeked for the most beautiful concubines, the best cooks, but, exceedingly pious, he consciously obeyed to religious obligations. His bright court impressed visitors by its luxe and its singular refinement, held them a time, elated them like a cup of precious wine.


The vizir Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi and the Metropolit Elias

Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan ruled during more than fifty years, and maintained peace among his people. He chosed eminent vizirs, who gave to the Diyar Bakr a great economical and cultural prosperity. Let mention among them Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi who was too at first the vizir of the prince ‘Uqaylide from Mosul, Kirwash b. al-Mukallad, then of the caliph of Bagdad, al-Kadir.

Al-Maghribi served Nasr al-Dawla in Mayyafarikin and kept his functions from 1025 to 1027. He was a cultured man and had got a rich library. He wrote some political works, among wich a manual about the best government, Kitab fil-Siyasa, adressed to a monarch, undoubtedly Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan.

In the Kurdish principality of Mayyafarikin, Al-Maghribi had friendly bonds with Syriac scholars among his own subjects. He liked to talk about religious problems with Elias, the Metropolite of Nisibis, a pious man, who was set on knowledge and science, with a accute judgement, tactful and a good sense of diplomacy.

In an apologetic essay, "The book of conversations", about some talkings he had got in 1026-7 with the great vizir, Elias related with talent their first meeting :

" The vizir - God bless him - entered in Nisibis on Friday 26th of the first Jumâdâ in last year, then in 410. [Arabic year 410 /1026 of christian calendar] I came to see him the next saturday (I had never seen him before); he called me, honoured me and made me to sit down beside him. After having prayed God for him and congratulated him for his coming, I got up for going away but he stopped me and said : "Let know that I wanted to meet you since a long time and see you a lot, I want you entirely to my service for coming in my home and going from it at any time I would like it". I answered that I haven't any wish but obeying to him and I sat down again. "

(Elie de Nisibe, « The book of conversations », translating by Bénédicte Landron, « Nestorian attitudes toward Islam », Cariscript, Paris, 1994, P. 290)

Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi related then to the Metropolit that he had seen, during a travel, a prodigious sign. This sign made him believe that Christians were not so unfaithful that he had had supposed :

"At first, here what I have seen and put me in doubt about their unfaithfulness. When I was for the first time in the Diyar Bakr, I went to Bidlis [today Bitlis, at the west of the Van Lake] for some deals that I had in charge. Reaching this town, I fell so seriously ill that all my forces left me, and I lost any taste for everything and despaired of life. I went for coming back to Mayyafarikin for, in the case where God - I praise Him - would have decided for me of what nobody could escape, it would happen in this town or near to it. I couldn't take no food nor drinks, and suffered deeply of that exhausting ride by horse. Each day I went on a short distance while my weakness increased, while my forces went away, my illness became worse and worse and more and more serious; I reached a monastery on the road, that is called the monastery of Mar Mari and I was at the weakest state and my disease at the highest point."

A monkey at the service of the monastery brought to Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi a granada juice, convinced that it will be benefit because of the blessing of the monastery. Full of magic powers, that drink rescued him and rendered appetite to the unfortunate vizir :

"The monkey had cooked some lenses for the youths; I asked a part and ate with appetite ; I got up immediately, I walked merrily on the terrace and became immediately healthy. I was perplexed and suprised - and all of these who were with me - of what did happen. And still now, when I think of that, I am surprised again and I think that is a prodigious sign; I tale it to everybody and everywhere.

This have made me believe that Christians are neither unfaithfull nor polytheist." (Translation Bénédicte Landron, P. 291)

Many years later, Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi, seriously ill, complained to Elias of Nisibis that his brother, the famous physician Abu Said Mansur b. Isa, had stopped his medication. The physician didn't sin by negligence, but he had seen in a dream that the vizir was near to his own end.

And indeed, Abu al-Kasim al-Husayn al-Maghribi, who had still kept his functions, died in Mayyarikin, in 1027.

Abu Said Mansur b. Isa built the hospital of Mayyafarikin

Some Arabic chroniclers, as Ibn Abi Usaybia (1194-1270), mentioned praisely Abu Said Mansur b. Isa, this physician of Mayyafarikin, who had deserved the name of Zahid al-Ulama, "the scholar who is the most unconcerned by earthly goods" :

"Zahid al-Ulama is Abu Said Mansur b. Isa; he was a Nestorian christian and his brother was metropolit in Nisibis, famous by his virtues. He practiced medicine, at Nasr ed-Daula b. Marwan's service (whom Ibn Butlân had dedicated the book "The physicians' banquet"). Nasr ed-Daula was very respectful with Zahid al-Ulama, he stood on him on the question of medicine and was goodwill for him. Zahid al-Ulama built the hospital of Mayyafarikin"

Usaybia goes on his tale and explains to his readers that"

the reason of the construction of an hospital in Mayyafarikin was that Nasr ed-Daula b. Marwan had a daughter of which he was fond a lot and who became ill. He promised to himself that, if she was cured, he will give as alms his weight in drahems. And when Zahid al-Ulama cured and saved her, he asked to Nasr ed-Daula if he would like, with the account of money that he wanted to spend in alms, building an hospital that would be useful for everybody. And thus, he would benefit of much deserves and excellent renown. Nasr ed-Daula ordered him to built the hospital and he spent much money; he engaged land goods to warrant the expenses of the activities of the hospital and he dotted it by the most perfect tools." (Usaybia, « Uyun Al Anba Fi Tabaqat Al Atibba", a collect of 380 biographies, published in Egypt in 1921, republished in Beyrouth, P.341, translating by Ephrem-Isa YOUSIF)

With a noble spirit, pitiful, praised for the excellence of his deserves, Abu Said Mansur b. Isa led the hospital and cured with devotion the inhabitants of Mayyafarikin.

He was a writer, too. He wrote many essays about medicine and a book about the interpretation of dreams and visions. He was in good terms with his brother Elias who dedicated to him one of his works the "Book of chastity".


The philosopher and physician Ibn Butlân in the court of Mayyafarikin

Another famous physician of this time, Abu ‘l-Hasan al-Muhtar, called Ibn Butlân, bound closed links with the emir Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan. He was a well-known expert in Bagdad, a philosopher, a logician, a polygraph. This Western-Syriac man had been the favorite disciple of Abu ‘l Faraj ibn al-Tayyeb, a priest, physician and commentator of Aristote (+ 1043)

Open-minded, Ibn Butlân made numerous travels in Syria, Egypt, Constantinople. He visited the state of Mayyafarikin, attracted by its bright and sumptuous court. He dedicated to the Marwanid, for enjoying him, his treaty " The physicians'banquet" that was a satire of physicians and their behaviors.

Ibn Butlân met Elias of Nisibis and bound relations with him. The Metropolit who called him friendly "our shaykh", didn't hesitate to dedicate to him his "Questions about the New Testament".



Ibn Butlân wrote else works, about medicine, religion, among which a treaty of hygiene, "Takouïm essaya", that we could translate as "Recovering health". He retreated at the end of his life in a monastery next to Antakya and died in 1066.

Twilight

The bond of esteem between Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan and Elias of Nisibis ended only with the Metropolit's death, circa 1046.

Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan, in 1054, had to aknowledge as his own liege Tugril Beg the Seljuk, who ruled on the largest part of Jezira, but he kept his territories. He died in 1061.

This fine period of peace and good feelings between Kurds and Syriacs was rich in creations in the field of cultural life. It was dense for trade, active for arts and crafts, impressive in short. Nasr al-Dawla b. Marwan left in Diyar Bakr monumental inscriptions that show still now the artistic brightness of its reign.


After Nasr al-Dawla's death, the Marwanids'power declined and grew weak. His second son, Nizam, succeded to him and ruled until 1079, then followed his son Nasir al-Dawla Mansur.

The end of the Marwanid dynasty minced along, in a scent of treason... Ibn Jahir, a former vizir, left the Diyar Bakr, and came to Bagdad. There, he could convince the sultan Malik Shah, a grand-nephew of Tugril Beg, and the famous vizir Nizam al-Mulk, to allow him for assaulting Mayyafarikin.

When the city was taken, Ibn Jahir took off the great treasures that belonged to the Marwanids and detained them greedily for himself. Since and after, the Diyar Bakr fell almost entirely under the direct rule of Seljukids. The last emir, Nasir al-Dawla Mansur, kept only the city of Jazirat Ibn ‘Umar.

Malik Shah died in 1092, and troubles following his death, the Diyar Bakr became a few more independant.

However, the Marwanids did not all go out. They were still mentionned at the middle of the XIIth century, in the chronique of the Western-Syriac patriach, Michael the Syrian, written in 1195.

(« Chronique de Michel le Syriaque », J.-B. Chabot, Paris, 1899-1910)

Since 1134, wrote Michael, the Turkish Seljukid Zangi, governor of Mosul, invaded many times the Kurdish land, led some expeditions against tribes that he submit, and took their citadels. After the conquest of Edessa, in 1144, Zangi did want to assure his domination on neighbouring emirs. These latter, suspicious, demolished in the region of Nisibis, the fortresses they coudn't defend agaisnt Zangi's power and let them empty.

One of Marwanids' descendants, Ahmad, held still the fortress of Hataka. It was not Zangi but the emir of Mardin, Timurtas Hosam al-Dîn, the son of the powerful prince Il-Ghâzî (+ 1122 ), of the Artuqids' family, who desired to take it and made a long siege. This small Turkish dynasty set on step by step in the Diyar Bakr, where it ruled from 1102 to 1408.

The Kurd asked quite prompty an agreement :

"At this time, the strong place of Hataka, that had never fallen down in Turks' hands, belonged to a member of the Benê Marwan family. They have got the title of king and live in Maipherqat. Between these lords came out discord, quarrels and struggles. Hossam ed-Dîn, observing that Curds had not auxiliary and were opposed each others, besieged them during one year and four months. Then Ahmed asked an agreement. Timourtas gave him gold and some villages in his country, and detained the fortress. But the Curd regret it and asked help to the lord of Amid, for retaking the citadel; but he failed. " ( Chronique of Michael the Syrian, Tome III, P. 264)

So ended the fine epic of Marwanids, who had ruled on the province of Diyar Bakr, and subjected the neighbouring peoples. Did not have shined like the sparkling crown of snow on high mountains ? Their memory and the memory of chroniclers, Christian scholars of Upper-Mesopotamia, remains todays in Kurds and Syriacs' remambrance.

Ephrem-Isa YOUSIF

September 12th 2000





Chronological tables of the Marwanid princes



Al-Hasan ibn Marwan (990-997)

Mumahhid al-Dawla Sa’id (997-1011)

Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad ibn Marwan (1011-1061)

Nizam al-Dawla Nasr (1061-1079 )

Nasir al-Dawla Mansur (1079-1085)



Syriac scholars

Gabriel b. ‘Abd Allah ibn Bohtisho : + vers 1002

Elie de Nisibe : 975- 1046

Abu Said Mansur ibn Isa : (Même époque)

Ibn Butlân : +1066

Michel le Grand :1126-1199

Bar Hébraeus : 1226-1286